It is JFK season, but even apart from that, I’ve been
reassessing him and the era in the last few years, reading accounts of general
history of the era, Eisenhower histories, the Stephen King book, and most
importantly the 2007 David Talbot book “Brothers.” My life-long friend Bob Levin has also been immersing
himself, principally in the civil rights literature, I think – Taylor Branch,
and a book we both read about the Freedom Riders, which was great.
So here is Bob’s current take on the Kennedy Administration:
Those I know who believe most
strongly that a vast conspiracy lay behind the assassination of President
Kennedy place great emphasis on his commencement address at American university
in June of 1963. They believe these remarks revealed him to be committed
to achieving global peace through agreements with Nikita Khruschev and
certainly prefigured his intent to end our involvement in Vietnam and, hence,
made the CIA, the military, and others decide to murder him. Never a
great believer in conspiracy theories myself, and not a greater admirer of JFK,
I decided to see what went on between the time of this speech
and his assassination five months later. For my admittedly
non-exhaustive research I turned to the Stanley Karnow book, my only Vietnam
reference on hand, and my conclusion is i don't think Kennedy knew what the
fuck he was doing with Vietnam.
Shortly after the speech he sent
3000 troops to Thailand because of unrest in Laos. In early September, he
told Walter Cronkite withdrawing from Vietnam would be a mistake. He
tried to get the New York Times to pull out David Halberstam because his
reports were hurting the war effort. He went back and forth about whether
to support the coup against Diem, worrying mainly if it would work, not if it
was the moral thing to do, eventually leaving it to his ambassador Henry Cabot
Lodge to do as he felt best.
The only support I found for the
existence of an anti-war attitude in Kennedy was Larry O'Donnell's
recollection of JFK's telling him he would pull out troops once he
was re-elected, but couldn't do it before without being tarred as soft on
Communism. But O'Donnell was a Kennedy loyalist likely to paint him
in the best light, which, in 1970, when he recounted this conversation,
would have been to make him a peacenik. And even if O'Donnell's memory
and account were accurate, it still doesn't mean Kennedy would have acted in
line with this sentiment.
So I see the Am U speech as just
political talk. I think Kennedy was a pol, playing things for maximum
advantage, not out of principle. (Certainly that's how he acted in the
South on civil rights.) Maybe that was enough to get people in the CIA
pissed off enough to want to kill him but he was not the figure this other
crowd is trying to make him out to be.
I believe Kennedy was essentially
an unprincipled politician, telling audiences what he thought they wanted to
hear, always seeking to manage events to his and his party's political
advantage. Certainly, that was how his administration conducted itself
with respect to the civil rights movement then raging in the south. And
civil rights, remember, was more of an issue than Vietnam was in 1963.
Freedom Summer was about to launch, whereas hardly anyone knew where Vietnam
was, and there was no anti-war movement to even speak of.
Then again, as my friend Richard
Weber points out, it isn't necessary to burnish JFK's reputation in order to
find motivation for the CIA, for instance, to take him out. He had
already pissed them off by firing Allen Dulles and not giving them carte
blanche in Southeast Asia.
I myself have a different view:
Then I read the book by Talbot, who polishes everything to a high
sheen, and my images of him reunited: he was indeed great, or at least was
getting there! He was fighting the militarists who predominated, but was
severely limited in what he could do. The Talbot book essentially says
that he learned quickly, and was in ascent to the gods of right-thinking.
He takes Bobby's ascent in righteousness in the subsequent years as a surrogate
for where JFK was going.
That is a speculative view, but an attractive one to reunite my psyche. And it can't be disproved by his knowledge of political necessity; you can only do what you can do. I think I'll stick with it.
That is a speculative view, but an attractive one to reunite my psyche. And it can't be disproved by his knowledge of political necessity; you can only do what you can do. I think I'll stick with it.
Budd Shenkin
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